[11], The ERS also says that in FPTP elections using many separate districts "small parties without a geographical base find it hard to win seats". The largest two parties took 69% of the vote and 88% of the seats. §1.1 Federale verkiezingen". First-past-the-post does not[53] meet this criterion.
FPP was the most common voting system across New Zealand’s local, regional and unitary councils and the Wellington region was atypical in having … for minorities or outlying areas) and/or as part of a mixed-member proportional representation system.
Waste of votes and minority governments are more likely when large groups of voters vote for three, four or more parties as in Canadian elections. "[29][30], Electoral reform campaigners have argued that the use of FPTP in South Africa was a contributory factor in the country adopting the apartheid system after the 1948 general election in that country. "We asked the community which system they thought is best for our city, they told us they wanted STV, and elected members have delivered on that," she said. The Labour Party, for example, receives significant funds from the UK state by virtue of it retaining its status as the Official Opposition party: in the 2018/19 financial year, the Labour Party received £7.88m, equivalent to 79%[48] of total state funding, despite receiving only 40%[49] of the popular vote in the prior general election. Supporters of FPTP argue that its concept is easy to understand, and ballots can more easily be counted and processed than those in preferential voting systems.
[25][better source needed], First-past-the-post within geographical areas tends to deliver (particularly to larger parties) a significant number of safe seats, where a representative is sheltered from any but the most dramatic change in voting behaviour. It is more likely that a single party will hold a majority of legislative seats. The majority criterion states that "if one candidate is preferred by a majority (more than 50%) of voters, then that candidate must win". In states that employ FPTP, the presidential candidate gaining the greatest number of votes wins all the state's available electors (seats), regardless of the number or share of votes won, or the difference separating the leading candidate and the first runner-up. This pattern hides the large number of votes for the non-dominant party.
[31][32], According to the political pressure group Make Votes Matter, FPTP creates a powerful electoral incentive for large parties to all target similar segments of voters with similar policies. Hamilton City Council has voted to use the Single Transferable Voting (STV) system for the 2022 and 2025 elections.
As with its close cousin First-Past-the-Post (‘FPP’), it overwhelmingly delivers a winning team and a losing team, an ‘IN’ and an ‘OUT’. It is also used to elect heads of state in Taiwan, Iceland, Mexico, and South Korea. Further, during election campaigns the campaigning activity of parties tends to focus on marginal seats where there is a prospect of a change in representation, leaving safer areas excluded from participation in an active campaign. WDC voted at its August 27 meeting to stick with its existing FPP voting system for the 2022 and 2025 triennial local government elections.
Should the “alternative vote” system be used instead? First-past-the-post does not meet this criterion.[52].
WDC voted at its August 27 meeting to stick with its existing FPP voting system for the 2022 and 2025 triennial local government elections. First-past-the-post does not[53] meet this criterion. Some voters will vote based on their view of how others will vote as well, changing their originally intended vote; Substantial power is given to the media, because some voters will believe its assertions as to who the leading contenders are likely to be. No ranked preference method can meet all the criteria, because some of them are mutually exclusive, as shown by results such as Arrow's impossibility theorem and the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem.[50]. The British Electoral Reform Society (ERS) says that regional parties benefit from this system. But Vince Cocurullo then moved an amendment the council instead stayed with FPP. Under a first-past-the-post voting method, the highest polling candidate is elected. In Puerto Rico, there has been a tendency for Independentista voters to support Populares candidates. Rather than curtailing extreme voices, FPTP today empowers the (relatively) extreme voices of the Labour and Conservative party memberships.
The WDC vote means 51 per cent of Northland's eligible voters will be using FPP for district council voting next time round, 49 per cent STV. Councillors voted 8-5 in favour of Cocurullo's amendment. [51] First-past-the-post meets this criterion (though not the converse: a candidate does not need 50% of the votes in order to win). [7], Allowing people into parliament who did not finish first in their district was described by David Cameron as creating a "Parliament full of second-choices who no one really wanted but didn’t really object to either. The results of a community survey run by the council also showed that a majority of respondents favoured using STV. [10], On the other hand, minor parties that do not concentrate their vote usually end up getting a much lower proportion of seats than votes, as they lose most of the seats they contest and 'waste' most of their votes. "[12], According to Make Votes Matter, and shown in the chart below,[13] in the 2015 UK general election UKIP came in third in terms of number of votes (3.9 million/12.6%), but gained only one seat in Parliament, resulting in one seat per 3.9 million votes. The almost half/half split FPP/STV comes after FNDC recently voted to shift to STV for its 51,800 eligible voters. The first round, held according to block voting rules, determines which candidates may progress to the second and final round. [10], Make Votes Matter said that in the 2017 UK general election, "the Green Party, Liberal Democrats and UKIP (minor, non-regional parties) received 11% of votes between them, yet they shared just 2% of seats", and in the 2015 UK general election, "[t]he same three parties received almost a quarter of all the votes cast, yet these parties shared just 1.5% of seats. However in both these countries, reform campaigners face the obstacle of large incumbent parties who control the legislature and who are incentivised to resist any attempts to replace the FPTP system that elected them on a minority vote – this is summed up by the idiom "turkeys don't vote for Christmas". If that candidate has also already won a seat, your vote will go to third person you chose, and so on. In the UK, the Electoral Reform Society estimates that more than half the seats can be considered as safe. In this real-life illustration from 2011, Tony Tan obtained a greater number of votes than any of the other candidates. Successful candidates do not need to win an absolute majority (that is, more than 50%) of the votes cast.
Far North voters' views sought, Campaign boss: Ill-discipline, PM's popularity cost Nats the election, Ardern says 'mandate exists for Labour'; Govt to form in 3 weeks, Suspected drowning claims life of two-year-old, Winston Peters has 'left a huge legacy': Ardern, The full list of MPs and the new faces heading to the Beehive. However, most countries with first-past-the-post elections have multiparty legislatures, the United States being the major exception. The Condorcet loser criterion states that "if a candidate would lose a head-to-head competition against every other candidate, then that candidate must not win the overall election".
In the 2019 elections, 67 of the 78 local authorities in New Zealand used FPP. Under proportional representation, Labour's status as the Official Opposition party would potentially be vulnerable, and therefore its level of state funding would also be at risk, thus providing a financial incentive for Labour to retain FPTP. "If this (shifting to STV) is one way of doing it, bring it on," she said.
Party supporters (who may nevertheless be a significant minority) in those sections of the country are unrepresented.
[27][28], However, other voting systems, notably the party-list system, can also create politicians who are relatively immune from electoral pressure. Vote No to Proportional Representation BC. In the 2019 Canadian election Conservatives won 98 percent of the seats in Alberta/Saskatchewan with only 68 percent of the vote.
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